What is specific to relations between clients and professionals, and therefore to the emotional dynamics of jurisdictional contestation, in health-related work domain? How and to what extent might our model apply to other professional work domains? Because “medical practice intrudes into areas of social taboo relating to personal privacy and bodily functions, as well as areas of culturally defined ritual significance such as birth and death” ( , , p. 43 (). Professions and power. Routledge. ) , health-related professional services often stimulate morally tinged emotions ( , & al., , & (). Maintaining the Values of a Profession: Institutional Work and Moral Emotions in the Emergency Department. Academy of Management Journal, 60(1). 200–237. https://doi.org/10.5465/amj.2013.0870 ; , (). The moral emotions. InDavidson, R., Scherer, K. & Goldsmith, H. (Eds.), Handbook of affective sciences. (pp. 852–870). Oxford University Press. ) . This observation suggests that our model may illuminate other contexts where the jurisdictional control of professions reaches deep into the intimacy of clients—into the spiritual, intellectual, or biological confines of their selves—in ways that shape clients’ identity. Beyond health-related professions, prototypical cases of such arrangements may be found in education, law-and-order, and religion work domains.

For example, in the education domain, “homeschooling” parent movements organize peer-driven communities and learning centers to address their children’s needs outside of established professional arrangements, binding around their shared pride in educational self- reliance ( & , & (). Structured and unstructured homeschooling: a proposal for broadening the taxonomy. Cambridge Journal of Education, 47(3). 355–371. https://doi.org/10.1080/0305764X.2016.1174190 ) . This example illustrates the escape mode of participation. Angry protests by Black Lives Matter activists after the acquittal of George Zimmerman ( & , & (). Retrieved from https://www.elle.com/culture/career-politics/a19180106/patrisse-cullors-tarana-burke-black-lives-matter-metoo-activism/ ) express the outrage of a clientele segment at what its members experience as morally flawed abuses of law-and-order professionals’ jurisdictional control, demanding transformation of policing practices. It illustrates the opposition mode. In the wake of sexual abuse scandals, faithful members of the Catholic Church sought to reconcile felt ambivalence related to their attachment yet mistrust of a clergy that downplayed widespread sex abuses, by advocating for incremental change within the Church’s governance structure ( , & al., , & (). The Faithful Rise Up: Split Identification and an Unlikely Change Effort. Academy of Management Journal, 53(4). 673–699. https://doi.org/10.5465/amj.2010.52814362 ) . It illustrates the accommodation mode. Future research could focus on episodes of jurisdictional contestation in domains of professional work unrelated to health, yet in which a social movement is also positioned as challenger, to investigate the particular ways in which movement and profession seek to evoke emotions and how the resonance of their framing efforts shapes client participation. Such research could help validate to what extent our model’s insights can illuminate other empirical contexts and identify how social emotion dynamics of client participation vary across domains.

As concerns health-related work domains, future research could draw on insights from our model but invert the challenger-incumbent relation characterizing our treatment of movement-profession dynamics by exploring the emotional dynamics underpinning the professionalization of mutual aid arrangements, a pervasive phenomenon seen by social critics as corrosive of the social fabric see ( , (). Two cheers for anarchism: six easy pieces on autonomy, dignity, and meaningful work and play (Fourth printing, and first paperback printing). Princeton University Press. ; , (). The outsourced self: what happens when we pay others to live our lives for us (1. Picador ed). Picador. ; , (). The careless society: community and its counterfeits. Basic Books. ; , (). The rise of professionalism: monopolies of competence and sheltered markets. Transaction Publishers. ) . For example, ( , (). Institutionalization as an interplay between actions, meanings, and actors: the case of a rape crisis center in Israel. Academy of Management Journal, 45(1). 234–254. https://doi.org/10.2307/3069294 ) studied a rape crisis center in Israel which was founded by feminist activists under mutual aid principles. As therapy-oriented staff began populating the center, mutual aid principles were backgrounded and replaced by professional principles, as ( , , p. 248 (). Institutionalization as an interplay between actions, meanings, and actors: the case of a rape crisis center in Israel. Academy of Management Journal, 45(1). 234–254. https://doi.org/10.2307/3069294 ) explains:

“according to a feminist view, victims were supposedly treated as equals. With the institutional change, they became ‘patients’, or in a more politically correct phrase, ‘clients’; in any case, they became pathologized, bundles of symptoms.”

In this process, which can be understood as a jurisdictional contestation process in reverse, the expert knowledge of therapists replaced the experiential knowledge of feminist activists as the dominant epistemic basis of social arrangements at the clinic. Focusing on the social emotions shaping this process may expand our understanding of how mutual aid arrangements become professionalized; and insights contained in our model may offer a helpful starting point for such an inquiry.