Our model draws upon framing theory ( , (). Frame analysis: an essay on the organization of experience. Harvard University Press. ; & , & (). Putting Framing in Perspective: A Review of Framing and Frame Analysis across the Management and Organizational Literature. Academy of Management Annals, 8(1). 181–235. https://doi.org/10.5465/19416520.2014.875669 ) , according to which frames are “strategic rhetorical devices by which one actor seeks to define a situation for another and influence their thinking and behavior” ( , , p. 713 (). The Mind and Heart of Resonance: The Role of Cognition and Emotions in Frame Effectiveness. Journal of Management Studies, 54(5). 711–738. Retrieved from https://ideas.repec.org//a/bla/jomstd/v54y2017i5p711-738.html ) . Framing efforts are sustained attempts by actors to promote frames that influence the members of an audience to act in ways favorable to them ( & , & (). Marks of Distinction: Framing and Audience Appreciation in the Context of Investment Advice. Administrative Science Quarterly, 60(2). 333–367. https://doi.org/10.1177/0001839215571125 ) . Framing efforts resonate when the frames promoted by an actor “match or align with the audience’s beliefs, values, aspirations, or ideas” ( , , p. 712 (). The Mind and Heart of Resonance: The Role of Cognition and Emotions in Frame Effectiveness. Journal of Management Studies, 54(5). 711–738. Retrieved from https://ideas.repec.org//a/bla/jomstd/v54y2017i5p711-738.html ) in ways that generate intended actions. Framing efforts resonate cognitively when they influence a person’s “thinking,” and emotionally when they influence a person’s “feeling” ( , , p. 717 (). The Mind and Heart of Resonance: The Role of Cognition and Emotions in Frame Effectiveness. Journal of Management Studies, 54(5). 711–738. Retrieved from https://ideas.repec.org//a/bla/jomstd/v54y2017i5p711-738.html ) . A “framing contest” is a struggle between actors with diverging commitments, each enacting “highly political framing practices to make their frames resonate and to mobilize action in their favor” ( , , p. 729 (). Framing Contests: Strategy Making under Uncertainty. Organization Science, 19(5). 729–752. Retrieved from https://www.jstor.org/stable/25146214 ) .

Building on these concepts, we theorize an episode of jurisdictional contestation as a framing contest in which a social movement acts as challenger by promoting an alternative, peer-driven institutional project that disrupts the jurisdictional control of a profession, which acts as an incumbent by defending the jurisdictional control of its members and established institutional arrangements. We posit that an episode of jurisdictional contestation is initiated when a social movement frames the profession’s expert knowledge as flawed and promotes an alternative, peer-driven institutional project guided by the experiential knowledge collectively held by movement adherents. This leads the profession, in turn, to defend its jurisdictional control by reciprocally framing the experiential knowledge guiding the social movement’s alternative institutional project as flawed. Our theory building highlights how the movement and the profession each seek to evoke emotions in ways that strengthen the client’s trust in their respective form of knowledge and gain the client’s attachment to them as a collective actor.

Before proceeding further, we distinguish emotional evocation from emotional resonance to help specify our model’s building blocks and how they fit together. By emotional evocation, we refer to collective actors engaging in framing efforts aimed at causing particular emotions in individual members of a target audience so as to lead them to act in specific ways [ ( , & al., , & (). Emotions in Institutional Work: A Discursive Perspective. Organization Studies, 37(7). 963–990. https://doi.org/10.1177/0170840615613377 ) . In contrast, by emotional resonance we refer to the emotions experienced by individual members of a target audience as a result of being exposed to the framing efforts of collective actors. Critically, it is these experienced emotions that lead individual members of a target audience to act in specific ways. Our approach is novel because social studies of emotions tend to focus on either emotional evocation or emotional resonance, but rarely both. Considering evocation together with resonance is important because, by bridging levels of analysis, it enables an explanation of how emotional experience shapes a person’s participation in collective action.

Building on research that theorizes the emancipation of members of marginalized identity movements as an emotional process in which participants move through experiences of fear and anger to convert their shame of individual deviance into a pride of collective affirmation ( & , & (). From shame to pride in identity politics. InStryker, S., Owens, T. & White, R. (Eds.), Self, identity, and social movements.. University of Minnesota Press. ) , we focus on a specific constellation of four emotions―pride, anger, shame, and fear, as well as ambivalence when these emotions overlap in conflicting ways. Further, empirical studies of emotional evocation in the framing efforts of challenger movements ( , (). Homosexuality and American psychiatry: the politics of diagnosis. Princeton University Press. ; , (). Identity politics, consciousness-raising, and visibility politics.. InMcCammon, H., Taylor, V., Reger, J. & Einwohner, R. (Eds.), The Oxford Handbook of U.S. Women's Social Movement Activism. (pp. 376–397). Oxford University Press. Retrieved from https://academic.oup.com/edited-volume/43643 ) and incumbent professions ( , & al., , & (). Preserving a Professional Institution: Emotion in Discursive Institutional Work. Journal of Management Studies, 57(4). 735–774. https://doi.org/10.1111/joms.12535 ) ; Wright, Zammuto, & Liesch, 2017] both frequently mention pride, anger, shame, and fear as the emotions that these collective actors seek to evoke in members of their target audiences. Likewise, research on the emotional resonance of disruptive ( & , & (). From shame to pride in identity politics. InStryker, S., Owens, T. & White, R. (Eds.), Self, identity, and social movements.. University of Minnesota Press. ; , (). Moving politics: emotion and act up’s fight against AIDS. The University of Chicago Press. ) and defensive ( & , & (). The function of fear in institutional maintenance: Feeling frightened as an essential ingredient in haute cuisine. Organization Studies, 39(4). 445–465. https://doi.org/10.1177/0170840617709306 ; , & al., , , & (). Silenced by fear:The nature, sources, and consequences of fear at work. Research in Organizational Behavior, 29. 163–193. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.riob.2009.07.002 ) framing efforts in episodes of jurisdictional contestation often note that different forms of pride, anger, shame, and fear are experienced by individual members of a target audience.

The four emotions making up this constellation are “social emotions” because their experience shapes the participation of people in social relations and institutional arrangements ( , (). Social emotions: Confidence, trust and loyalty. International Journal of Sociology and Social Policy, 16(9/10). 75–96. https://doi.org/10.1108/eb013270 ; , & al., , , & (). Living institutions: Bringing emotions into organizational institutionalism.. InGreenwood, R., Oliver, C., Lawrence, T. & Meyer, R. (Eds.), The SAGE handbook of organizational institutionalism. (Second edition, paperback edition). SAGE Reference. ) Pride is felt “when one feels positively evaluated by self or others” ( & , , p. 253 & (). From shame to pride in identity politics. InStryker, S., Owens, T. & White, R. (Eds.), Self, identity, and social movements.. University of Minnesota Press. ) . Felt anger is associated with a “moral shock” resulting from the perception that a “deserved status” is “denied or withdrawn” ( , , p. 212 (). Organizational “Emotion Work” Through Consciousness-Raising: An Analysis of a Feminist Organization. Qualitative Sociology, 27(2). 205–222. https://doi.org/10.1023/B:QUAS.0000020693.93609.6c ) . Felt shame is described as “a person’s experience of negative self-evaluations based on anticipated or actual deprecation by others owing to a failure to meet standards of behavior” ( , & al., , p. 276 , , & (). Swimming in a Sea of Shame: Incorporating Emotion into Explanations of Institutional Reproduction and Change. Academy of Management Review, 39(3). 275–301. https://doi.org/10.5465/amr.2012.0074 ) . And fear is felt when someone perceives a threat to their well-being combined with a sense of inability to respond adequately to the challenge ( & , & (). The function of fear in institutional maintenance: Feeling frightened as an essential ingredient in haute cuisine. Organization Studies, 39(4). 445–465. https://doi.org/10.1177/0170840617709306 ) .

Drawing on literatures considered so far, we theorize a framing contest model of how this constellation of social emotions shapes the participation of clients of health-related professions in episodes of jurisdictional contestation. First, we theorize how, through adversarial framing efforts, a social movement acting as challenger and a profession acting as incumbent each seek to evoke emotions in particular ways to shape the actions of clients in their favor. Second, we explore how the emotional resonance of this framing contest, in the form of specific configurations of experienced emotions in individual clients exposed to it, leads them to support, to varying degrees, one or both contestants.