A vast, dispersed literature dating from the 1960s ( Citation: , (). Soul on ice (Repr). Dell Publishing. ; Citation: , (). Homosexuality and American psychiatry: the politics of diagnosis. Princeton University Press. ; Citation: & , & (). Microfoundations of Framing: The Interactional Production of Collective Action Frames in the Occupy Movement. Academy of Management Journal, 64(2). 378–408. https://doi.org/10.5465/amj.2018.1063 ) documents how social movements have framed the expert knowledge of incumbent actors as technically irrelevant, dangerous and/or morally corrupt, and hence untrustworthy to address adherents’ needs. While also valorizing the movement’s experiential knowledge as trustworthy, these framing efforts seek to detach targeted audiences from incumbents and gain attachment to the movement ( Citation: , (). Homosexuality and American psychiatry: the politics of diagnosis. Princeton University Press. ; Citation: & , & (). From shame to pride in identity politics. InStryker, S., Owens, T. & White, R. (Eds.), Self, identity, and social movements.. University of Minnesota Press. ; Citation: , (). Moving politics: emotion and act up’s fight against AIDS. The University of Chicago Press. ) . This research describes the process by which a person re-evaluates the trustworthiness of different forms of knowledge and their attachment to different collective actors as an intensely emotional one ( Citation: , (). Emotional strategies: The collective reconstruction and display of oppositional emotions in the movement against child sexual abuse.. InGoodwin, J., Jasper, J. & Polletta, F. (Eds.), Passionate politics: emotions and social movements.. University of Chicago Press. ; Citation: , (). Emotions and identity in women’s self-help movements. InStryker, S., Owens, T. & White, R. (Eds.), Self, identity, and social movements.. University of Minnesota Press. ; Citation: , (). Men and Their Work. Quid Pro, LLC. ) .

More precisely, this body of research documents how the disruptive framing efforts of social movements seek to evoke pride and anger in ways that lead members of their target audiences to work in favor of institutional change ( Citation: , (). Emotions and Social Movements: Twenty Years of Theory and Research. Annual Review of Sociology, 37(1). 285–303. https://doi.org/10.1146/annurev-soc-081309-150015 ; Citation: , (). Talking politics. Cambridge University Press. ) . We therefore argue that a social movement involved in jurisdictional contestation engages in disruptive framing efforts to evoke in clients a pride in supporting the alternative, peer-driven institutional project it promotes. It does so by framing the experiential knowledge collectively held by its adherents as relevant, safe, and/or reliable ( Citation: , (). Understanding self-help/mutual aid: experiential learning in the commons. Rutgers University Press. ; Citation: , (). Patient groups and health movements. InHackett, E., Amsterdamska, O., Lynch, M. & Wajcman, J. (Eds.), The handbook of science and technology studies. (3rd ed). MIT Press : Published in cooperation with the Society for the Social Studies of Science. ) . By seeking to evoke this form of pride in individual clients, the movement attempts to gain the trust of clients in the experiential knowledge of its adherents. A bond of shared trust in the knowledge of experiential peers has been found to provide movement adherents with meaning, validation, and self-worth ( Citation: , & al., , & (). Volition and belongingness: Social movements, volition, self-esteem, and the need to belong. InStryker, S., Owens, T. & White, R. (Eds.), Self, identity, and social movements.. University of Minnesota Press. ) . For example, pride of supporting the alternative project of a trustworthy community of peers is evoked throughout The womanly art of breastfeeding, the bestselling guide by La Leche League for women to nurse their infants naturally, without doctor supervision ( Citation: , & al., , & (). The womanly art of breastfeeding (8th ed). Ballantine Books. ; Citation: , (). Reconstructing Motherhood: The La Leche League in Postwar America. The Journal of American History, 80(4). 1357. https://doi.org/10.2307/2080604 ) .

We also argue that a movement involved in jurisdictional contestation engages in framing efforts to evoke anger in clients at the profession for breaching its duty towards them ( Citation: & , & (). Institutional betrayal. American Psychologist, 69(6). 575–587. https://doi.org/10.1037/a0037564 ) . It does so by framing deviance from the profession’s prescriptions as a righteous imperative ( Citation: , (). Identity politics, consciousness-raising, and visibility politics.. InMcCammon, H., Taylor, V., Reger, J. & Einwohner, R. (Eds.), The Oxford Handbook of U.S. Women's Social Movement Activism. (pp. 376–397). Oxford University Press. Retrieved from https://academic.oup.com/edited-volume/43643 ; Citation: & , & (). Anger and Organization Studies: From Social Disorder to Moral Order. Organization Studies, 37(7). 903–918. https://doi.org/10.1177/0170840616640848 ) . By seeking to evoke this form of anger in individual clients in relation to the profession, movement adherents attempt to gain the attachment of clients to the movement as a collective actor ( Citation: , (). The Sociology of Feeling and Emotion: Selected Possibilities. Sociological Inquiry, 45(2-3). 280–307. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-682X.1975.tb00339.x ; Citation: , (). Emotions and identity in women’s self-help movements. InStryker, S., Owens, T. & White, R. (Eds.), Self, identity, and social movements.. University of Minnesota Press. ) . Attachment to the movement has been linked to a “we” versus “they” moral dichotomy ( Citation: , , p. 84 (). Talking politics. Cambridge University Press. ) that is constructed and reinforced by the movement’s framing efforts. For example, adherents of the LGBT movement have sought to evoke the anger of their peers and direct it at the profession of psychiatry for pathologizing what they consider to be their authentic and unproblematic selves ( Citation: , (). Homosexuality and American psychiatry: the politics of diagnosis. Princeton University Press. ; Citation: , & al., , & (). Creating Emotional Resonance: Interpersonal Emotion Work and Motivational Framing in a Transgender Community. Social Problems, 51(1). 61–81. https://doi.org/10.1525/sp.2004.51.1.61 ) .

Research on social movements also indicates that their framing efforts seek to evoke shame and fear in ways that shape how members of their target audiences participate in the contestation of established arrangements ( Citation: , (). Moving politics: emotion and act up’s fight against AIDS. The University of Chicago Press. ; Citation: , (). Homosexuality and American psychiatry: the politics of diagnosis. Princeton University Press. ) . We argue that a movement involved in jurisdictional contestation engages in disruptive framing efforts to evoke in clients a shame of complying with the profession’s prescriptions, framing compliance as a moral flaw and/or a self-degradation ( Citation: , & al., , & (). Creating Emotional Resonance: Interpersonal Emotion Work and Motivational Framing in a Transgender Community. Social Problems, 51(1). 61–81. https://doi.org/10.1525/sp.2004.51.1.61 ) . By seeking to evoke this form of shame in individual clients in relation to the profession, movement adherents attempt to cause the detachment of clients from the profession as a collective actor. For example, in the first and last pieces of his collection of essays Melancholia and moralism, queer activist ( Citation: , (). Melancholia and moralism: essays on AIDS and queer politics (1. MIT Press paperback ed). MIT Press. ) shames the journalist Andrew Sullivan, who lives with HIV/AIDS like him, as well as Sullivan’s supporters for being too supportive of medical professionals, the pharmaceutical industry and the pharmacy profession.

Drawing on these studies we also argue that a movement involved in jurisdictional contestation engages in disruptive framing efforts to evoke in clients a fear of relying on established arrangements upheld by the profession. It does so by framing the profession’s expert knowledge as irrelevant, dangerous, and/or unreliable ( Citation: , (). Emotions and identity in women’s self-help movements. InStryker, S., Owens, T. & White, R. (Eds.), Self, identity, and social movements.. University of Minnesota Press. ) . By seeking to evoke this form of fear in individual clients in relation to the profession, movement adherents attempt to undermine the trust of clients in the expert knowledge on which rests the profession’s jurisdictional control over established arrangements. For example, the framing efforts of mad activists, as evidenced by abundant texts that they have authored ( Citation: , & al., LeFrançois, B., Menzies, R. & Reaume, G. (). Mad matters: a critical reader in Canadian mad studies. Canadian Scholars' Press Inc. ; Citation: , (). Call me crazy: Stories from the mad movement. Gang Publisher. ; Citation: , (). On our own: patient-controlled alternatives to the mental health system. Hawthorn Books. ) , clearly seek to evoke fear in patients of being diagnosed, confined, and treated against their will by psychiatrists, thus highlighting this movement’s efforts to undermine the trust of patients in the expert knowledge of the profession.

In sum, we build on social studies of emotions to argue that social movements involved in jurisdictional contestation engage in disruptive framing efforts to evoke pride and anger in clients in ways that strengthen the trust of clients in the movement’s experiential knowledge and gain the attachment of clients to the movement, respectively. Additionally, we argue that these movements also engage, although to a lesser extent, in disruptive framing efforts to evoke shame and fear in ways that cause the detachment of clients from the profession as a collective actor and undermine the trust of clients in the profession’s expert knowledge, respectively.